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three stills from The Spook

"The Spook Who Sat by the Door" suggests revolutionary 
passive-aggressiveness

The Spook Who Sat by the Door
Directed by Ivan Dixon
Bokari Ltd.
Theatrical distribution: United Artists
102 minutes
1973

2009 June

[Contains spoilers. Watch the movie first. Enter "The Spook Who Sat 
by the Door" on search engines and video sites.]

     "No more sneak attacks, no more guerrilla warfare, and no more 
     camouflaged anger. Just honest, direct, open, and assertive 
     communication: "I'm angry with you because_____" instead of 
     "Yes, dear (you bastard)." Tell people when you feel pushed 
     around, when you feel controlled, and when you need them to back 
     off instead of sitting there silently planning ways to get back 
     at them."(1)

This is the story of a fictional Black-nationalist man (played by 
Lawrence Cook) who takes advantage of tokenism regarding Blacks, 
becomes a CIA officer, and uses the knowledge gained during his 
training to build an underground Black liberation organization to 
undertake immediate armed struggle, turning a gang into the 
cornerstone of the organization. This review does not assume that 
viewers have read or will read Sam Greenlee's same-titled novel and 
does not address the book.

I'm not going to dwell on the obvious. The obvious would include that 
this movie ties anti-imperialism in other countries to internal 
colony nationalism inside the United $tates. Slightly less obvious is 
that the main character may understand Black people's opposition to 
Euro-Amerika as assisting struggles against U.$. imperialism in other 
countries, not just that the Black nation has the potential to 
benefit from U.$. imperialism's being tied down in other countries. 
Dan Freeman reflects real-life groups existing at the time of the 
movie's release in understanding the interrelation of 
anti-imperialist struggles in terms of armed struggle. Freeman puts 
together an army in cities throughout the United $tates for a 
country-wide confrontation that is started but not shown in the movie 
except in a vignette at the end. Freeman wants the army to fight to 
the death with the U.$. government and police until the occupation of 
the Black nation is ended. "Don't quit until you either win or you 
die." It's not clear whether this will be a single battle or a war, 
but Freeman seems to put armed struggle in the short term before 
building a movement that will exist in the long term. (Freeman 
announces a "war," but his organization moves toward executing a plan 
with predetermined targets.) This is contradictory in reflecting both 
strong internationalism potentially and possibly a failure to build 
institutions of the oppressed that can sustain advances, which can be 
made without armed struggle first. Freeman discusses having a 
propaganda group, but the focus of "The Spook Who Sat by the Door" is 
on preparation for armed struggle, armed struggle precipitated by 
whites' response to a riot, and spy intrigue.

Because of the error he seems to have at the end of the movie, it is 
tempting to treat Dan Freeman as an individual who struggles to make 
progress throughout the movie. In the real world, individuals do make 
progress. One could imagine that Freeman was a lumpen who took up 
career, not revolution, first and has to struggle particularly hard 
to become a revolutionary, that Freeman until the middle of his CIA 
career is like his police friend Peter Dawson (J.A. Preston). 
However, it is important to understand that Freeman is not a 
careerist who becomes a revolutionary. Freeman does not leave the CIA 
disgruntled because of racism within the CIA, and nor does he have a 
realization or reawakening (a return to the consciousness of his 
college years) at some point. He joins the CIA with the intention of 
using a position for Black-nationalist goals. Given all the clues 
available, it is surprising how many assume that Freeman is an Uncle 
Tom character who undergoes some kind of transformation in the midst 
of his CIA stint. The references to what he said when he was in 
college, "how he used to be," his own former membership in a street 
organization that escapes the notice of the government, his years of 
judo study before coming to the CIA, his statement "I spent five 
years flunkying to become an expert," etc. -- how oblivious or racist 
does one have to be to after the end of the movie still not recognize 
that almost everything Freeman does in "The Spook" is on purpose? The 
only real question upon Freeman's departure is whether Freeman had 
always meant to leave the CIA. Maybe he could have stayed as a spy. 
Freeman has access to top-secret documents. Though not as glamorous 
as being a spy in a foreign country, the basement document 
reproduction job Freeman is given as a token allows him greater 
access to information than he might otherwise have. Supposedly, some 
secrets they do not "need to know" in their assignments, CIA officers 
do not have access to. In his job as "top secret reproduction center 
section chief," Freeman is an unobtrusive cog in the machine, but a 
central one. Here, again, Freeman's knowledge of tokenism should not 
be underestimated. Knowing that he would be stationed at Langley as a 
token, he could have expected to become a clerical worker with higher 
security clearance as an officer.

Characters who do not know Freeman's motives speak of his behavior in 
a depoliticizing way, in terms of personality. This writer does not 
suggest that people try to infiltrate the CIA, but I recognize a 
point in "The Spook Who Sat by the Door" about 
passive-aggressiveness. Initially, the viewer perceives Freeman as an 
oddball or a nerd. Discussion of Freeman starts out typical. People 
cannot imagine that Freeman could be pursuing a goal more worthy than 
career or an intellectual endeavor. Characters make comments about 
Freeman's demeanor throughout the movie, but one scene in particular 
is memorable. In this scene, one of the Black men recruited to 
integrate the CIA who actually is careerist confronts Freeman about 
Freeman's working too hard, making it more difficult for the other 
recruits to advance because of their being "graded" on a "curve." The 
careerist character tells Freeman something like that he is trying 
too hard to please white people. Freeman replies, suggesting that the 
careerist is trying to have it both ways: opposing white domination 
and accommodating himself to it, or railing against whites when among 
Blacks and ingratiating himself with or flattering whites. The 
careerist makes remarks about Freeman's not cooperating with the 
other recruits to advance the group and Freeman's not fitting in. 
After the careerist suggests that Freeman doesn't want to advance and 
would rather have a menial job, the confrontation progresses to the 
offer of a physical fight, at which point Freeman takes off his 
glasses, his affect and tone change, and he tells the careerist that 
if they fight, the careerist will lose. The careerist calls Freeman 
"crazy."

Black men are subjected to stereotypes of either aggressiveness or 
passiveness and less to stereotypes involving passive-aggressiveness. 
Men of migrant groups such as Asian migrants are more often than 
Black men viewed as passive-aggressive in a stereotypical way. By 
having a Black man exhibit what many would consider 
passive-aggressive behavior, "The Spook Who Sat by the Door" removes 
passive-aggressiveness from stereotypes regarding particular 
non-white groups. In fact, it turns out that there is a method to Dan 
Freeman's craziness.

Technically, "passive-aggressiveness" is defined as an outwardly 
passive and unconscious manifestation of aggression, discernible as 
such by others in the passive-aggressive's life. A more colloquial 
definition of passive-aggressiveness involves having a dual 
personality, passive most of the time with aggressive outbursts. In 
"The Spook Who Sat by the Door," Freeman's inclination to speak the 
truth when talking with friends during moments of commotion exposes 
him to trouble. Overall, though, Freeman is methodical in how he 
relates to people. Besides taking a stab at Liberalism literally, 
Freeman consistently signals his disagreement with the habit of 
venting emotion with no clear goal in mind. The scene in which 
Freeman discusses Pretty Willie's being a propagandist and leading a 
bank robbery team illustrates Freeman's thinking in a compact way. 
Right after Freeman gets done explaining why Willie (played by David 
Lemieux) should get a degree and sharing his grandmother's advice 
that education is something whites can't take away from educated 
Blacks, Willie asks Freeman what drives him. "You know, I can't 
figure you, man." "I mean, what are you in this for? Do you want 
power? You want revenge? You know. What is it?" It's not enough that 
Willie has helped the King Cobras to reach a goal that they 
themselves were pursuing; they want to know Freeman's view of his own 
actions and can't be content even with what he has already said. 
Willie wants to put his finger on Freeman's psychology in familiar 
terms: revenge etc. As if his line and practice weren't evidence 
enough of Freeman's leadership, Freeman indulges Willie in a way that 
actually rejects Willie's psychological inquiry -- in a passive way: 
"It's simple, Willie. I just want to be free. How about you?" Willie 
replies, "So do I. And I hate white folks." Before the last words 
finish coming out of Willie's mouth, Freeman turns his head, not 
expecting an additional remark. With an abrupt change in affect, 
Freeman says, ""Hate white folks"? This is not about "hate white 
folks." It's about loving freedom enough to die or kill for it if 
necessary. Now, you gonna need more than hate to sustain you when 
this thing begins. Now, if you feel that way, you're no good to us, 
and you're no good to yourself. You ever kill a man, Willie? . . . I 
have, in Korea. And when you spill a man's guts in the gutter, you 
see how fast hate disappears." In the scene, Freeman does three 
things. He evokes an impression of passive-aggressiveness. He, 
ironically, rejects psychology. Then, he raises that there should be 
nothing to add to "I want to be free," that "I hate white folks" put 
on the same level as "I want to be free" actually takes away from the 
latter. Freeman's sentence, "This is not about "hate white folks"," 
especially as it used in a preview of "The Spook Who Sat by the 
Door," might appear meant to discourage censorship of the movie or a 
concession to whites disinclined to go watch a Black power movie, but 
there is a lesson about not letting individuals' small-scale and 
knee-jerk responses to whites occupy too much space in a 
revolutionary practice.

Even in the scene in which other Black trainees invite Freeman to 
party with them in Washington and one trainee accuses Freeman of 
skewing "the grading curve," Freeman's remark on talking about whites 
behind their backs could be understood as a strategic suggestion.(2) If the careerist trainee 
character with a "theory of tokenism" has a secret revolutionary 
motive or aspiration and is not a pacifist bourgeois civil rights 
supporter, Freeman's comment to the trainee on having it both ways 
could be advice not to do something that could risk exposure, even if 
it is possible for some careerists to have it both ways and they are 
not mutually exclusive. For all any of the trainees know, any of the 
other trainees could be secret revolutionaries -- the careerist 
trainee might just be lazy, unwilling to put as much work into a 
cover as Freeman is -- or they could be spying for the whites. 
Freeman is telling the other trainee to cool it himself. He lacks 
self-control. Even from a careerist's perspective, there is no point 
to talking shit about whites if it is just talk or could easily 
backfire.

Many Blacks and Euro-Amerikans, both and for different reasons, 
perceived and vocally condemned systemic racism, but many of the same 
people despite awareness of tokenism voted for Barack Obama and even 
John Kerry and Bill Clinton. Even for so-called revolutionary 
communists in the United $tates, the election of a Black man to the 
Presidency was another one of those integration firsts supposedly 
representing progress, rather than advancement for some Black 
individuals or a minority of Blacks, or entry into oppressorhood. 
Supposed opponents of the FBI with vaguely nationalist ideas found 
themselves in contortions trying to justify supporting a Black 
person's becoming the boss of all the federal police and spy agencies 
of the United $tates. Blacks of different educational backgrounds who 
made the most angry-, righteous-sounding denunciations of white 
people as a group in connection to various things, voted for Obama or 
supported his campaign and sneered at anti-Amerikanism. There is no 
shortage of Amerikans who excel at claiming small-scale instances of 
racism and racism in language and individuals' actions, but most of 
the people who do so disdain Black nationalism on a pseudo-feminist, 
pseudo-Marxist, postmodern or liberal-democratic basis, some while 
claiming Huey Newton or Malcolm X as an inspiration. Whether 
accompanied by internal colony nationalist rhetoric or not, most 
discussion in the United $tates of racism in the United $tates is 
integrationist or social-democratic, where equality is equality with 
white individuals or the Euro-Amerikan nation as exploiters of people 
outside the United $tates. It is ironic and telling that 
petty-bourgeois-minded Black academics and white commentators have 
appropriated even "The Spook Who Sat by the Door" for integration and 
pacifist purposes, stripping it of its revolutionary and 
internationalist messages and relegating its fist-clenching militancy 
to kitsch or the period in which the movie was made. The violence of 
"The Spook" is less relevant today only in the sense that 
international economic parasitism has changed the extent and nature 
of revolutionary struggle inside First World borders in general. More 
common than activists rejecting Black nationalism and slandering it 
are non-whites who whine about whites in their lives day in and day 
out for career and romance purposes but do nothing to oppose 
Euro-Amerikan oppression politically. Whites trained to talk about 
race and talk about it in a certain way lead integration and tokenism 
efforts among whites and seek compliance from non-whites in various 
policies, practices, and programs. Whites and non-whites who go to 
college get trained in ideas and rhetoric about racism and 
"classism," but do not work for revolution as Dan Freeman does, so 
the ideas and rhetoric end up being used for other things, everything 
from inter-cultural dating to CIA and FBI infiltration of 
revolutionary movements. Internal oppressed nationalities who leave 
college more receptive to internal colony nationalism somehow end up 
politically apathetic or in comprador positions. Others, like Dan 
Freeman's cop friend Dawson, who claims to have "a sense of an 
outrage," nonetheless end up as government bureaucrats. In other 
words, expressions of discontent become co-opted or subdued. There is 
a similar problem in the Third World, though integration issues are 
bigger factors in the United $tates. Lots of people vent about 
Amerikans but do little else because a connection to theory and 
strategy has not been made.

It is said that venting is coping, but without organizing coping 
becomes hoping for a savior to arise. After leaders like Dan Freeman 
are gone, what will happen? Freeman probably knows that most of the 
people following him are of a follower type looking for a quick 
release for outrage, people who will burn out early in the long haul; 
on multiple occasions, he suggests that the Cobras might not go 
beyond having a gun battle with a few whites. Their problems may be 
made worse by illiteracy. (Though this could be a security measure, 
Freeman communicates instructions verbally and has some of them 
spoken back to him.) Reading and writing literacy introduce a kind of 
delay into actions and introduce an organization that otherwise might 
not exist. Knowing that Pretty Willie can write, Freeman tells Pretty 
Willie to be the "Minister of Information" but is not specific about 
what kinds of propaganda there should be. This gives Willie room to 
make decisions. It is possible that Freeman just wants Willie to be 
writing and expressing his thoughts in a structured way. Questioning 
Freeman, Willie has expressed leadership potential (he is already one 
of Willie's lieutenants), but he could lead the Cobras to a quick 
death. In his apparent outburst reacting to Willie's "I hate white 
folks" remark, Freeman is saying something that he was trying to 
communicate to Willie in a less confrontational, possibly less 
stifling way. Freeman can be intimidating, so people might be prone 
to going along with what Freeman pointedly says without developing 
their own reasons. Willie's remark implies that Freeman is lacking a 
subjective factor -- hatred -- for struggle against Euro-Amerika, but 
in fact it is Willie who lacks something (and it has nothing to do 
with Willie's lighter skin color). At different points in the movie, 
Willie and other Cobras show evidence of not having progressed 
ideologically beyond a reactive gun fight mentality. They do not 
understand what they are doing even after being trained in 
"guerrilla" methods and techniques and carrying out plans. Willie's 
response to a lesson about not relying on sophisticated equipment is, 
"I understand, man. That's cool." It is better to not understand 
something at first and digest it than regurgitate it as Willie does 
with apparent agreement.

"The Spook Who Sat by the Door" is beautiful for how it undermines 
the psychological assumptions of the viewer. As Dan Freeman fools the 
CIA, he fools the viewer. The ambiguity of the beginning of the movie 
reflects no uncertainty in Freeman's own mind or development. Freeman 
is a militant Black nationalist before he appears on the screen. Like 
Freeman's fellow recruits, the viewer perceives Freeman as odd. 
First, where was he at the reception after the preliminary training 
graduation? Was he even there? Rewind. Why is he aloof? Why doesn't 
he drink with the rest? Then, why does he stay below the radar? Why 
is he so uncontroversial, but standoffish, until there are 
confrontations? The full extent and true nature of Freeman's seeming 
passive-aggressiveness is not revealed until Freeman subdues some 
Cobras and offers to teach them how to fight whites. Any initial 
discomfort, confusion or uncertainty on the part of the viewer with 
Freeman gives way to clarity.

Light is shed on Freeman's duality even before he leaves the CIA, 
though the whites at the CIA, who may be eager to fit Freeman to 
stereotypes about Black men and sex, may not detect it. That is with 
the female prostitute character, the "queen from Dahomey," as Freeman 
fantasizes her. Little of his Tom persona is present in his 
interactions with the so-called Dahomey queen (played by Paula 
Kelly), except his unassertiveness, his reservedness about his own 
life, and some of his humility. As part of a security check, the 
government questions the Dahomey Queen about Freeman's behavior 
outside the view of the CIA. The Dahomey Queen says something like, 
he is one of those quiet kinds of guys, observant, laid-back and 
cool, not attracting attention, but repelling controversy. He 
probably would get along with anyone, or not interact with them at 
all, as Freeman's conversation with the office secretary, Doris, also 
suggests (among other things). There is no reason for anyone to mess 
with Freeman in personal life. Without being fearful, people give him 
space, because he himself gives space. He is composed and may be 
deferential, but he would get what he needs, and do what he needs to 
do, when he needs to, without agitating others or with minimal fuss. 
(Some of the aforementioned traits are found in the idealized image 
passive-aggressives have of themselves in the psychiatric view, but 
the Dahomey Queen observes them in Freeman. They exist objectively.) 
There is a security point there, given that Freeman is thoughtful 
about everything he does. He can rule out apolitical attacks, because 
in apolitical life he is so careful. Because everything is contrived, 
the question of who the "real" Freeman is during his CIA career is 
moot. The revolutionary Freeman can be read only retrospectively in 
the CIA Freeman and the john Freeman. Knowing about the nation of 
Dahomey is not significant by itself (and for that matter the African 
art Freeman has later, in his Chicago apartment, can be found in many 
middle-class Blacks' homes). Freeman's passive-aggressiveness is not 
of a kind that can be detected by anyone. At least, that is the case 
most of the time. One of the white characters, Calhoun, at the CIA 
has difficulty accepting Freeman's Tom persona and objects to 
Freeman's "phony humility." He wants Freeman to be more assertive. It 
might seem that Calhoun is encouraging Freeman not to be a pushover, 
but this is about control. The more open, transparent and predictable 
a Black man is, the more Calhoun can control him. (Psychologically, 
one of the "neurotic needs" of the passive-aggressive is to 
compulsively avoid control and domination by others, but this 
presupposes the absence of systemic attempts to control and dominate 
as exist in interracial contexts.)

Freeman separates the personal and the political the way they should 
be separated. Freeman does not try to turn his fellow trainees into 
nationalists, for example. He does not bitch about whites or Black 
tokens incessantly as a way of being "radical." At the same time, 
Freeman's cover is so perfect that even the "real" Freeman that the 
government discusses with the Dahomey Queen would more than please 
the CIA. There, that's kind of Black man the CIA would like to have. 
Nobody messes with him, but if they do, Freeman can fight. He doesn't 
brag, nor does he moan about his life. Bragging, moaning and 
gossiping could result in having personal enemies or revealing 
secrets. He doesn't have a drug habit; he doesn't even smoke. He 
doesn't like games of chance he would lose in the long run. He seems 
calculating, but adroit. He doesn't have a temper -- as if the CIA 
couldn't see that for itself training Freeman. The CIA already knows 
from the "grading curve" incident in his room that Freeman can put up 
with or handle verbal abuse gracefully, and it already knows that he 
is an "athlete."

In fact, Freeman probably already deals with verbal provocations 
behind his back by racist whites, who think him ignorant, calmly and 
coolly. But if people physically interfere with what he is doing, he 
can drop them on their backs, calmly and coolly. In general, he would 
stay on a course until it became necessary to change his mode of 
operation or step up what he is already doing. In the psychological 
definition, the passive-aggressive uses passiveness as a form of 
resistance to going along with a social expectation assumed to be 
reasonable. It could be said that Freeman actually goes with the 
flow. What Freeman is resisting -- responsibility to Euro-Amerika -- 
appears only in the long run. Freeman goes with the flow by not 
getting into conflicts with individuals. He goes with the flow by not 
opposing the stereotypes of whites, but utilizing them. He goes with 
the flow by not inserting himself or intervening in the informal 
communication of whites. He goes with the flow by fulfilling job 
expectations, and he even exceeds them (in the eyes of racist 
whites). He goes with the flow by adopting the lifestyle expected of 
someone who is upwardly mobile. He goes with the flow in other ways. 
He does not go with the flow when it would compromise his political 
plan. He doesn't absorb the ideas of the other Black CIA trainees. He 
doesn't waste time hanging out with people he wasn't friends with in 
the first place. He doesn't go with the flow in other ways. Freeman 
should not be underestimated at any point in the movie.

Some "feminists" have objected to the portrayal of females as either 
prostitutes or meddlers in "The Spook." Rather than talking about 
Freeman's oppression of the Dahomey Queen, not addressing that both 
female and male lower-class Blacks in general were degraded and 
impoverished in the early 1970s (even if Freeman has a joined a class 
higher than the Dahomey Queen's), and not addressing class oppression 
in another way (but only gender or gender & national oppression), 
this writer says that the Dahomey Queen herself should not be 
underestimated. Perhaps anticipating surveillance, she talks with 
Freeman cryptically at one point about a counterinsurgency effort. 
The Dahomey Queen has learned to be passive-aggressive, not in a 
psychological sense. She communicates in a regulated and considerate 
way for a political purpose, the exact goal perhaps being only 
implied. The white man through whose "sponsorship" the Dahomey Queen 
has gained property has taken Freeman's whore, but the Dahomey Queen 
ceases to be a romantic interest for Freeman. The Dahomey Queen is 
not shown in a sexual situation with Freeman during or after their 
sudden meeting.

Freeman's Tom persona comes out more when he is with his Chicago 
girlfriend, Joy (Janet League). She is upwardly mobile like Freeman, 
so the contrast between Freeman's relation with Joy and how he 
relates to the Dahomey Queen would not be significant for the CIA. 
Believing that he has changed from how he was in college, Joy 
confirms how good Freeman's cover is. Besides providing opportunities 
to comment on the social work and welfare bureaucracy, liberalism, 
and civil rights and integration so-called progress, the Freeman-Joy 
relationship has significance in that it shows Freeman struggling to 
put revolution before romance, but without endangering security by 
mishandling prior relationships. Freeman goes with the flow with Joy. 
When the relationship with Joy might need to end at different points, 
it has become more difficult for Freeman to let go. If he stops 
seeing Joy, a conflict could result. Freeman is purposeful, but he 
can't control everything. Joy ends up marrying another man. Freeman 
resigns himself to this. For some reason, though, Joy stays in the 
picture. Freeman himself resists separation.

Ostensibly and impressionistically, Dan Freeman is the most 
passive-aggressive character in "The Spook Who Sat by the Door." The 
Freeman-Joy relationship is further interesting for raising that 
average people fit a psychiatric definition of passive-aggressiveness 
more than Freeman does, his passive-aggressiveness being on a whole 
other level. In every single way, Freeman fails to meet the DSM-IV-TR 
research criteria for passive-aggressive personality disorder (PAPD). 
He does not "passively [resist] fulfilling routine social and 
occupational tasks." He does not "[complain] of being misunderstood 
and unappreciated by others." He is not "sullen and argumentative." 
He does not "unreasonably [criticize] and [scorn] authority." He does 
not "[express] envy and resentment toward those apparently more 
fortunate." He does not "[voice] exaggerated and persistent 
complaints of personal misfortune." He does not "[alternate] between 
hostile defiance and contrition." Nor is Freeman merely passive. 
Regarding the last PAPD research criterion, it is not that Freeman is 
ambivalent about the CIA whites, or Euro-Amerika in a broader sense. 
He has decided that he does not want to commit to Euro-Amerika. He 
has decided that he does not want to depend on Euro-Amerika. His 
relationship with Euro-Amerika is one only of struggle and conscious 
subterfuge and maneuvering. By contrast, Joy feels that her job is 
threatened by the riots following the police shooting and in effect 
blames Freeman, a convenient target, who is not losing his social 
work job. Joy fondly remembers the idealistic, formidable "old Dan" 
of her college days. Joy's attachments lie in between Freeman, 
embodying Black self-determination, and Euro-Amerika, promising 
integration. Having joined the CIA, Freeman seems to have changed, 
but Joy clings to the young Dan through the new Dan. This turns into 
hostility as a result of the riots. Joy's idea of the Dan she is 
familiar with changes. To assuage her privileged guilt, she lives 
vicariously as a radical through Freeman, and this comes into 
conflict with her privileged outlook during the uprising, 
necessitating a change in her perception of Freeman. When Joy betrays 
Freeman, she relies on Dawson to give her confidence, so unsure she 
is in her actions. As a privileged colonized individual, Joy is not a 
stereotype, and neither is the careerist CIA trainee who confronts 
Freeman.

Psychology is used to control the oppressed and otherwise serves 
oppressors. Though opposing psychology as an approach to thinking 
about society and individuals' behavior and to solving alleged 
problems that usually turn out to have a structural basis, this 
writer finds it amusing that passive-aggressive personality disorder 
has been deprecated in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of 
Mental Disorders, one of the reasons being that too many people 
could be diagnosed with it. Psychiatric pseudo-scientists imply that 
mental disorders can be present only in a small minority of people in 
a First World country; if they were more prevalent, there would be 
uncomfortable implications. The supposed superiority of First World 
culture and the First World economic system is at stake. Though 
exploiters, Amerikans are still subject to unemployment, bosses, 
etc., and have things to complain about and drag their feet on. As 
exploiters, they can't advance beyond individualism. They have gripes 
about individuals who are richer or more powerful than them, but they 
are themselves wedded to capitalism. Colloquially, Amerikans are seen 
as whiny bitches who can't get over themselves. Internal oppressed 
nationalities in the United $tates who have bought into 
neo-colonialism or are upwardly mobile, but still experience 
discrimination, double standards, and white authority, have their own 
reasons to behave in ways associated with traditional 
passive-aggressiveness. Other actors are reminiscent of 
passive-aggressiveness: the U.S. State Department, the White House, 
warmongering Christians, warmongering Democrats, Democrats with 
Republican boyfriends, Republicans with Democratic girlfriends, 
police and the FBI playing "good cop," hit-and-run spies and 
counterrevolutionary vigilantes, and the petty-bourgeoisie.

Revolutionaries in general who are not in a situation of armed 
struggle could be seen as passive-aggressive by omnipresent observers 
believing their own lies about people with "extremist" views. Even 
the act of writing as MIWS does and not making bombs or pursuing 
violent confrontations could be viewed as passive-aggressive, 
aggression supposedly being manifested as writing. MIWS might seem to 
"terrorize" Amerikans with its writing, because MIWS does not 
recognize a whole proletariat among any people who are legally 
citizens of the United $tates. What "The Spook Who Sat by the Door" 
raises is that revolutionaries need to make a conscious effort to be 
"passive-aggressive." It doesn't come naturally to either the 
gregarious or the introverted, the dependent or the independent. 
Passive-aggressiveness as psychology is irrelevant, as are bourgeois 
self-delusions about revolutionaries and oppressed people.

Revolutionary "passive-aggressiveness" will have a smaller role in 
the Third World. In general, the further one is from the imperialists 
and the labor aristocracy and the closer one is to the masses in the 
interstices of imperialist state power, the less need there will be 
for passive-aggressiveness. A repressive federal government agency of 
international scope, the Central Intelligence Agency quintessentially 
represents Euro-Amerika, but in "The Spook" the CIA could symbolize 
any white institution or environment. A Hollywood-style, heroic 
individual protagonist, Dan Freeman himself could represent something 
else. Perhaps, passive-aggressiveness is best understood as a 
principle that an organization could apply and structurally 
implement, not just an individual pursuit.

Focusing on one's own or others' demeanor and lifestyle could be 
misorienting in a context of having or needing to have a communist 
party. This would be another reason to separate 
passive-aggressiveness from questions of what individuals are doing, 
particularly outside their revolutionary work. That said, 
revolutionaries are faced with the question of whether and to what 
extent to blend into the population, not just as guerrillas if they 
are guerrillas, but in general. People should watch the parts in "The 
Spook" where Freeman talks with Shorty's mother and Shorty (Anthony 
Ray) and ask themselves, what is that about (apart from being ironic 
in retrospect later), what does that represent. Those scenes aren't 
necessary to the plot. However inadequate (and unsymbolic), Freeman 
makes an effort to struggle and unite with the masses. Shorty and his 
mother don't budge. Freeman remains more advanced, and he goes on to 
do what he thinks needs to be done. Freeman is in a different 
economic class than Shorty, but "The Spook" raises a question of how 
political unevenness would manifest in ordinary life (without 
injecting one's politics into that life). What would it be to blend 
in when people are dealing or using drugs, for example? Under 
Freeman's leadership, the Cobras have a "no junk" policy, which might 
alienate them from some people. It is not possible or desirable to 
blend in in all contexts even as an oppressed person among the masses 
of one's own class and nation. Dan Freeman doesn't try to blend in 
(or fit in) everywhere, not at the CIA with the Blacks or the whites, 
not with Shorty and his mother. Freeman plays pool with the Cobras, 
but they are in the same organization. The Cobras own the pool hall, 
and everyone knows Freeman is a social worker. Freeman blends in with 
middle-class Blacks, but this is part of his chosen post-CIA cover. 
Freeman selectively blends in. It's not just that he is middle-class 
and not lower-class, or lower-class-origin and not 
middle-class-origin at the CIA reception with the trainees. Regarding 
passiveness, people should not take that too literally in "The 
Spook." Sometimes, passiveness could get in the way of accomplishing 
something that needs to be accomplished, or blending in where there 
needs to be blending-in.

The idea of an assertive, charismatic, extroverted person commanding 
respect is attractive. There is a time and a place to be like that, 
as Dan Freeman's relations with the Cobras suggest. To add another 
dimension to this, it might be necessary to be "passive" in 
particular ways while appearing assertive. The point in "The Spook" 
is that revolutionaries are "passive," "aggressive," or "assertive," 
depending on the situation and consciously. If Freeman were less 
passive and more like a typical action/spy movie protagonist, the 
viewer might not get that. People who are inherently this way or that 
way will have difficulty as revolutionaries. "Passive-aggressiveness" 
succinctly captures a variety of practices that have other names, and 
also connotes a deliberate flexibility. In psychiatry, the 
alternating or combined use of passiveness and aggression by the 
passive-aggressive is considered compulsive and antisocial, but the 
drive underlying a revolutionary's work is aggression against an 
oppressive system. The aggression structures the revolutionary's 
work, and this structure is beneficial to revolutionary work in 
societies where there is a strong tendency to become mired in 
careerism, rumor-mongering, finger-pointing, egotistical vindictive 
behavior, etc., and the workings and machinations of the imperialist 
state. The Liberal ideas of psychiatry are far removed from class war 
in capitalist society or behind enemy lines.

three stills from The Spook


Notes 1. Beverly Engel, Honor Your Anger : How Transforming Your Anger Style Can Change Your Life (Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, 2004), p. 226. 2. Transcript: Freeman: Come in. Recruit/trainee: Hey, Freeman. Freeman: Hey. Come on in. Recruit/trainee: Listen. We're going into Washington. You wanna come along with us? Freeman: No, got some studying to do. Another recruit/trainee: They've been letting us in town for a month now, man, and you ain't been out here yet. You're goin' nuts in here. Freeman: Well, maybe next time. Careerist: Maybe you oughta cool it. Freeman: Cool it? Careerist: Mmhmm. Cool it. If you weren't so eager to please the white man and send the grading curve up, there'd be three times as many of us here now. What kind of Tom are you anyway? Freeman: Same as you, I guess, except that I don't try to have it both ways. And you better watch what you say about white folks behind their back. This place could be bugged. Careerist: Are you calling me a Tom, man? Freeman: Well, none of us were picked for our militancy, now were we? Now, why don't you go away and let me alone? Careerist: Why don't you join the team, man? Freeman: Team? Man, I'm not playing any games. Careerist: Man, you just don't belong. I think you'd be happier with a mop in your hands. Freeman: Like your mama. Careerist: Let's step outside now. Freeman: No. No. You don't want to step outside with me, because, baby, I would kick your ass.

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